File Name: archaic and classical greece a selection of ancient sources in translation .zip
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- Archaic and Classical Greece: A Selection of Ancient Sources in Translation
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Here is the syllabus for my introductory Latin courses. Syllabus for Latin Wright, Thomas, ed.
The ancient Greek economy is somewhat of an enigma. Given the remoteness of ancient Greek civilization, the evidence is minimal and difficulties of interpretation abound.
Ancient Greek civilization flourished from around to 30 B. Throughout these periods of ancient Greek civilization, the level of technology was nothing like it is today and values developed that shaped the economy in unique ways.
Thus, despite over a century of investigation, scholars are still debating the nature of the ancient Greek economy. Moreover, the evidence is insufficient to employ all but the most basic quantitative methods of modern economic analysis and has forced scholars to employ other more qualitative methods of investigation.
This brief article, therefore, will not include any of the statistics, tables, charts, or graphs that normally accompany economic studies. Rather, it will attempt to set out the types of evidence available for studying the ancient Greek economy, to describe briefly the long-running debate about the ancient Greek economy and the most widely accepted model of it, and then to present a basic view of the various sectors of the ancient Greek economy during the three major phases of its history.
In addition, reference will be made to some recent scholarly trends in the field. Although the ancient Greeks achieved a high degree of sophistication in their political, philosophical, and literary analyses and have, therefore, left us with a significant amount of evidence concerning these matters, few Greeks attempted what we would call sophisticated economic analysis. Nonetheless, the ancient Greeks did engage in economic activity. They produced and exchanged goods both in local and long distance trade and had monetary systems to facilitate their exchanges.
These activities have left behind material remains and are described in various contexts scattered throughout the extant writings of the ancient Greeks. Most of our evidence for the ancient Greek economy concerns Athens in the Classical period and includes literary works, such as legal speeches, philosophical dialogues and treatises, historical narratives, and dramas and other poetic writings.
Demosthenes, Lysias, Isokrates, and other Attic Orators have left us with numerous speeches, several of which concern economic matters, usually within the context of a lawsuit. But although these speeches illuminate some aspects of ancient Greek contracts, loans, trade, and other economic activity, one must analyze them with care on account of the biases and distortions inherent in legal speeches.
Philosophical works, especially those of Xenophon, Plato, and Aristotle, provide us with an insight into how the ancient Greeks perceived and analyzed economic matters. We learn about the place of economic activities within the Greek city-state, value system, and social and political institutions.
One drawback of such evidence, however, is that the authors of these works were without exception members of the elite, and their political perspective and disdain for day-to-day economic activity should not necessarily be taken to represent the views of all or even the majority of ancient Greeks.
The ancient Greek historians concerned themselves primarily with politics and warfare. But within these contexts, one can find bits of information here and there about public finance and other economic matters.
Thucydides, for example, does takes care to describe the financial resources of Athens during the Peloponnesian War. Poems and dramas also contain evidence concerning the ancient Greek economy.
One can find random references to trade, manufacturing, the status of businessmen, and other economic matters. Of course, one must be careful to account for genre and audience in addition to the personal perspective of the author when using such sources for information about the economy. The plays of Aristophanes, for example, make many references to economic activities, but such references are often characterized by stereotyping and exaggeration for comedic purposes.
One of the most extensive collections of economic documents is the papyri from Greek-controlled Egypt during the Hellenistic period. The Ptolemaic dynasty that ruled Egypt developed an extensive bureaucracy to oversee numerous economic activities and like all bureaucracies, they kept detailed records of their administration.
Thus, the papyri include information about such things as taxes, government-controlled lands and labor, and the unique numismatic policies of the Ptolemies. Epigraphic evidence comes in the form of stone inscriptions from public and private institutions. Boundary markers placed on land used as security for loans, called horoi , were often inscribed with the terms of the loans. States such as Athens inscribed honorary decrees for those who had done outstanding services for the state, including economic ones.
States also inscribed accounts for public building projects and leases of public lands or mines. In addition, religious sanctuaries frequently inscribed accounts of monies and other assets, such as produce, land, and buildings, under their control. Although accounts tend to be free of human biases, honorary decrees are much more complex and the historian must be careful to consider the perspective of their issuing institutions when interpreting them.
Archaeological evidence is free of some of the representational complexities of the literary and epigraphic evidence.
Pottery finds can tell us about pottery manufacture and trade. The vase types indicate the goods they contained, such as olive oil, wine, or grain. The distribution of finds of ancient pottery can, therefore, tell us the extent of trade in various goods. But such archaeological evidence is not without its drawbacks as well. Furthermore, it is always dangerous to attempt to extrapolate broad conclusions about the economy from a small number of finds, since we can never be sure if those finds are representative of larger phenomena or merely exceptional cases that archaeologists happened to stumble upon.
Some of the most spectacular and informative finds in recent years have been made under the waters of the Mediterranean, Aegean, and Black Seas by what is known as marine or nautical archaeology.
Ancient shipwrecks containing goods for trade have opened new doors to the study of ancient Greek merchant vessels, manufacturing, and trade.
Although the field is relatively new, it has already yielded much new data and promises great things for the future. As stated above, the ancient Greek economy has been the subject of a long-running debate that continues to this day. In addition, confusion arose over whether the ancient Greek economy was like a modern economy in quantity scale or quality its organizing principles. Lastly, such terms clearly attempt to characterize the ancient Greek economy as a whole and do not distinguish differences among regions or city-states of Greece, time periods, or sectors of the economy agriculture, banking, long distance trade, etc.
Seeing extensive trade and use of money in Greece from the fifth century B. On the other hand, seeing traditional Greek social and political values that disdained the productive, impersonal, and industrial nature of modern market economies, the primitivists downplayed the existence of extensive trade and the use of money in the economy.
Neither primitivists nor modernists could conceive of the existence of extensive trade and the use of money unless the ancient Greek economy was organized according to market principles.
Historical methods were also a factor in the debate. Traditional ancient historians who relied on philology and archaeology tended to side with the modernist interpretation, whereas historians who employed new methods drawn from sociology and anthropology tended to hold to the primitivist view.
For example, Michael Rostovtzeff assembled a wealth of archaeological data to argue that the scale of the ancient Greek economy in the Hellenistic period was so great that it could not be considered primitive. A turning point in the debate came with the work of Karl Polanyi who drew on anthropological methods to argue that economies need not be organized according to the independent and self-regulating institutions of a market system.
The latter, which is typical of economic analysis today, is appropriate only for market economies. Market economies operate independently of non-economic institutions and their most characteristic feature is that prices are set according to an aggregate derived from the impersonal forces of supply and demand among a group of interconnected markets. But material goods may be produced, exchanged, and valued by means other than market institutions.
Such means may be tied to non-economic social and political institutions, including gift exchange or state-controlled redistribution and price-setting. Polanyi concluded that ancient Greece did not have a developed market system until the Hellenistic period.
Thus, Polanyi opened the door through which scholars could begin to examine the ancient Greek economy free from the normative parameters originally imposed on the debate. Unfortunately, the grip of the old parameters has been very strong and the debate has never completely freed itself from their influence. At present the most widely accepted model of the ancient Greek economy is that which was first set forth by Moses Finley in This view owes much to the Weber-Hasebroek-Polanyi line of analysis and holds that the ancient Greek economy was fundamentally different from the market economy that predominates in most of the world today.
Not only was the ancient Greek economy much smaller in scale than economies today, it also differed greatly in quality. Economic activity was necessary in this system only in so far as the individual male citizen had to provide sustenance for himself and his family. This could be accomplished simply by farming a small plot of land. Beyond that, the male citizen was expected to devote himself to the wellbeing of the community by participating in the public religious, political, and military life of the polis.
On the other hand, ancient Greek values held in low esteem economic activities that were not subordinated to the traditional activities of managing the family farm and obtaining goods for necessary consumption.
A life on the land, farming to produce only so much as was needed for consumption and leaving enough leisure time for active participation in the public life of the polis , was the social ideal.
Production and exchange were to be undertaken only for personal need, to help out friends, or to benefit the community as a whole. Such activities were not to be undertaken simply to make a profit and certainly not to obtain capital for future investment and economic growth.
Given the limits put on economic activity by traditional values and the absence of a modern conception of the economy, agriculture comprised the bulk of production and exchange. Most production, therefore, was carried out in the countryside and cities were net consumers rather than producers, living off the surplus of the countryside. With limited technology and no understanding of economies of scale, cities were not hubs of industry, and manufacturing existed only on a small scale.
Cities were mainly places for people to live as well as religious and governmental centers. Their contribution to the economy was only to demand the surplus produce of the countryside, manufacture limited amounts of goods, and provide market places and ports of trade for the exchange of goods.
Since the bulk of economic wealth was produced from the land and banausic occupations were not esteemed, the elite of ancient Greek society were landowners who consequently dominated politics, even in democratic poleis like Athens. Such men had little interest in manufacturing, business, and trade and, like their society as a whole, did not consider the economy as a distinct sphere separate from social and political concerns. Thus, their official policies with regard to the economy were much different from that of modern states.
Modern states undertake policies with specifically economic goals, desiring in particular to make their national economy more productive, to expand or grow, thereby increasing the per capita wealth of the state.
Ancient Greek city-states, on the other hand, had an interest and involvement in what we would call economic activities trade, minting coins, production, etc. Thus, prices were set according to local conditions and personal relationships rather than in accordance with the impersonal forces of supply and demand. This was so in part because of the Greek socio-political emphasis on self-sufficiency autarkeia , but also because the physical environment and industry of the eastern Mediterranean tended to produce similar goods, so that there were few items that a city-state needed which could not be obtained from within its own boundaries.
The former goal could be fulfilled by making laws that required or provided incentives for traders to bring grain into the city. Laws such as these were merely extensions of traditional political policies, like conquest and plunder, but in which a less violent form of acquisition would now be undertaken.
But though the means had changed, the ends were still political; there was no interest in the economy per se. The same holds true for the traditional need of city-states for revenue to pay for public projects, such as temple building and road maintenance. Here again, old and often violent methods of obtaining revenue were augmented through such things as taxes on trade. But although the general picture it presents of the ancient Greek economy has not been superceded, the model is not without flaws.
It was inevitable that Finley would overstate his model, since it attempted to encompass the general character of the ancient Greek economy as a whole.
Thus, the model makes little distinction between different regions or city-states of Greece, even though it is clear that the economies of Athens and Sparta, for example, were quite different in many respects. Finley also treats the various sectors of the economy agriculture, labor, manufacturing, long-distance trade, banking, etc.
But they have been matched by just as many studies that have revealed exceptions to the model. Thus, one recent trend in the scholarship has been to try to revise the Finley model in light of focused studies of particular sectors of the economy at specific times and places. Another trend has been simply to ignore the Finley model and bypass the old debate altogether by examining the ancient Greek economy in ways that make them irrelevant. Basically, given the quantity and the quality of the available evidence, our attempts to understand the ancient Greek economy are greatly affected by the perspective from which we approach it.
We can choose to try to characterize the entire ancient Greek economy in general, to see the forest as it were, and debate whether it was more or less similar to our own. Or we can focus in on the trees and undertake narrow studies of particular sectors of the ancient Greek economy at specific times and places. Both approaches are useful and not necessarily mutually exclusive.
Search this site. A Different Kind of State? A Paraphrase and Notes on the Revelation of St. John PDF. Africa and the Victorians PDF. African Noel PDF. Aids to Devotion PDF.
The theme of the library is classical mythology and so the selection consists primarily of ancient poetry, drama and prose accounts of myth. The Theoi Greek Mythology Website www. It also draws on a considerably wider selection of classical literature. For more information on that site's content please refer to the Theoi Greek Mythology Site Bibliography. Evelyn-White Loeb. Murray Loeb.
Archaic and Classical Greece: A Selection of Ancient Sources in Translation
The Archaic Period: 1. The development of the polis and its values; 2. Exploration and colonisation; 3. Tyranny; 4.
Classical Greece was a period of around years 5th and 4th centuries BC in Greek culture. Classical Greece had a powerful influence on the Roman Empire and on the foundations of Western civilization. Much of modern Western politics , artistic thought architecture , sculpture , scientific thought, theatre , literature and philosophy derives from this period of Greek history. In the context of the art, architecture, and culture of Ancient Greece , the Classical period corresponds to most of the 5th and 4th centuries BC the most common dates being the fall of the last Athenian tyrant in BC and the death of Alexander the Great in BC. The Classical period in this sense follows the Greek Dark Ages and Archaic period and is in turn succeeded by the Hellenistic period.
Skip to search form Skip to main content You are currently offline. Some features of the site may not work correctly. Crawford and D. Crawford , D. Whitehead Published Geography.
Он извинился перед немцем за вторжение, в ответ на что тот скромно улыбнулся.
Archaic and Classical Greece - E-bog
Соши смотрела на монитор и читала вслух: - В бомбе, сброшенной на Нагасаки, использовался не плутоний, а искусственно произведенный, обогащенный нейтронами изотоп урана с атомным весом 238. - Черт возьми! - выругался Бринкерхофф. - В обеих бомбах уран. Элементы, ответственные за Хиросиму и Нагасаки, - оба являются ураном. Никакого различия. - Мы погибли, - прошептала Мидж.
Сьюзан как во сне читала и перечитывала эти строки. Затем дрожащими руками открыла следующее сообщение. ТО: NDAKOTAARA. ANON. ORG FROM: ETDOSHISHA. EDU МЕНЯЮЩИЙСЯ ОТКРЫТЫЙ ТЕКСТ ДЕЙСТВУЕТ. ВСЯ ХИТРОСТЬ В МЕНЯЮЩЕЙСЯ ПОСЛЕДОВАТЕЛЬНОСТИ.
Archaic and Classical Greece. A Selection of Ancient Sources in Translation. Search within full text. Archaic and Classical Greece. Access. Cited by 7. Cited by.
Беккер знал лишь, что немец был с рыжеволосой спутницей, а в Испании это само по себе большая редкость. Клушар вспомнил, что ее звали Капля Росы. Беккер скорчил гримасу: что это за имя. Скорее кличка коровы, чем имя красавицы. Разве так могут назвать католичку.
Беккер заглянул в телефонный справочник. Оставался последний номер. Конец веревочки.
- Джабба уверяет, что вирус - единственное, что могло привести к столь долгой работе ТРАНСТЕКСТА. - Подожди минутку! - махнул он рукой, словно прося ее остановиться. - Стратмор сказал, что у них все в порядке. - Он солгал. Бринкерхофф не знал, что на это ответить.
Насколько я могу судить, пароль из шестидесяти четырех знаков. В полном недоумении Сьюзан посмотрела в окно кабинета на видневшийся внизу ТРАНСТЕКСТ. Она точно знала, что на такой пароль уходит меньше десяти минут.
- Я не расслышал, как тебя зовут. - Двухцветный, - прошипел панк, словно вынося приговор. - Двухцветный? - изумился Беккер. - Попробую отгадать… из-за прически. - Верно, Шерлок Холмс.