File Name: tax cuts and jobs act .zip
- Tax Cuts and Jobs Act of 2017
- Guidance and analysis, observations about U.S. tax law (Pub. L. No. 115-97)
- Tax Cuts and Jobs Act of 2017
These changes include a nearly doubled standard deduction, new limitations on itemized deductions, reduced income tax rates, and reforms to several other provisions.
Because peer nations typically raise about 3 percent of GDP from their corporate tax, and U. First, corporations were allowed foreign tax credits for taxes paid abroad in order to avoid double-taxation on foreign income. Second, tax was not due on foreign profits until repatriation. In the early years of this system, U.
Tax Cuts and Jobs Act of 2017
Chairman Yarmuth, Ranking Member Womack, and distinguished members of the Committee, thank you for the opportunity to testify. I will first outline the fundamental flaws of the tax law:  1 it ignores the stagnation of working-class wages and exacerbates inequality; 2 it weakens revenues when the nation needs to raise more; and 3 it encourages rampant tax avoidance and gaming that will undermine the integrity of tax code.
I will then explain in more detail how the tax law largely left behind low- and moderate-income Americans — and in many ways hurts them. Finally, I explain how a restructuring of the law can fix these flaws. Instead of focusing on the challenges of low- and moderate-income people, the tax law will boost the after-tax incomes of households in the top 1 percent by 2. See Figure 1. Decades of policy choices put barriers to economic success in front of households of color, resulting in those households being overrepresented on the bottom rungs of the income ladder, while white households are overrepresented at the top.
White families are three times more likely than Latino and Black families to be among the highest-income 1 percent of households. So, while the highest-income white households make up just 0.
History, empirical evidence, and how real wages have fared since December are all reasons to doubt any claims that the large, immediate tax cuts for high-income filers benefit will eventually trickle down to low- and moderate-income households. These large revenue losses are irresponsible given the fiscal challenges the nation will face over the next several decades.
These challenges include the retirement of the baby boomers, health care costs that likely will continue to rise faster than the economy, interest rates returning to more normal levels, potential national security threats, and current and emerging domestic challenges such as large infrastructure needs that cannot be indefinitely deferred. Because of these pressures, CBPP and other analysts project that spending will need to rise as a percentage of gross domestic product GDP , with most of the spending growth concentrated in a few programs — Social Security, Medicare, and Medicaid — that have widespread public support and whose growth is traceable to demographic and health care cost factors, not to more generous coverage or benefits.
It encourages rampant tax gaming and risks undermining the integrity of tax code. True tax reform simplifies the tax code and narrows the gaps between how different types of income are taxed.
The tax law does the opposite, adding complexity to the tax code and introducing new, arbitrary distinctions between different kinds of income. This means that the law has created lucrative new opportunities for the well-advised to try to game the tax code to avoid taxes — including by lobbying to keep the regulations to implement the hastily enacted law as favorable for them as possible. The creation and widespread abuse of tax shelters could cause the bill to lose even more revenue than current estimates of the law now show — and is likely to increase income inequality even more, since tax avoidance is worth the most to wealthy individuals and profitable corporations, who also are best equipped to take advantage of those opportunities.
The deduction effectively means that certain pass-through income will face a lower tax rate than wages and salaries, creating an incentive for high-income individuals to reclassify their salaries as pass-through income. The final regulations implementing the deduction have been shaped by heavy industry lobbying. The [pass-through] deduction leaves a gaping hole in the tax code, and the goal by the end of the presentation today is to make you guys the bus drivers, or the truck drivers, to drive right through that hole with your clients.
These new tax avoidance opportunities threaten the integrity of the tax system, particularly coming when the IRS enforcement budget has been drained by 25 percent in real terms since I have just outlined the three fundamental flaws of the tax law. Let me now examine in more detail how the tax largely leaves behind low- and moderate-income Americans — and indeed hurts many. The tax law should have placed top priority on raising the living standards of low- and moderate-income households, given decades of stagnant working-class incomes and growing income inequality.
The share of after-tax income flowing to the bottom 60 percent fell by 3. The drafters of the tax law ignored key tools they could have used to raise living standards for low- and moderate-income people. A growing body of evidence also links income from these tax credits to better infant health, improved school performance, higher college enrollment, and projected increases in earnings in adulthood for children in families that receive them.
Increased the CTC in a way that largely left behind millions of working families, while doing much more for high-income families. Stagnant working-class wages call for a strong policy response, and the EITC is well-designed to be at the forefront of addressing this challenge.
It already lifts millions out of poverty and supplements the wages of a diverse group of working-class people who do needed jobs but receive relatively low pay, from truck drivers to cooks to home health aides. Indeed, a provision of the law discussed below erodes the value of the EITC over time. In addition to failing to address the economic challenges that low- and moderate-income people face, the tax law included provisions that will hurt many such households.
For example, it:. Low- and moderate-income Americans should not now be left holding the tab for tax cuts tilted to the top, through cuts to, or underinvestment in, critical priorities. Instead, lawmakers can reverse course and raise substantially higher progressive revenues to meet national challenges.
The law moves U. That risks a big, permanent incentive for U. Ironically, during the presidential campaign, then-candidate Donald Trump proposed to immediately tax profits made from overseas investments just like profits from domestic investments are taxed, which would have avoided these problems. But, President Trump dropped his proposal and joined congressional Republicans in pushing for a territorial system. The Appendix provides for each state examples the impacts of the tax law that exemplify how it favors the most well-off instead of low- and moderate-income Americans.
To undo the damage caused by the tax law and meet national needs, lawmakers can craft meaningful tax reform that eliminates various loopholes, shelters, and gaming opportunities the tax code now contains, raises much-needed revenue, and is more favorable to working households with low or modest incomes.
In heading towards this goal, lawmakers can keep in mind that:. IRS enforcement funding overall has been cut by 25 percent since , after adjusting for inflation, and the enforcement division has lost roughly 30 percent of its workforce over that period. The cuts have driven a more than 40 percent decline in the rate of audits — especially for high-income individuals and large corporations. And enforcement needs have only grown as a result of the tax law.
Not only is restoring IRS enforcement levels to adequate levels critical for the integrity of the tax code, it is also fiscally sound. There is a lengthy bipartisan history of exempting from the cap certain types of program integrity funding — to reduce errors, overpayments, and fraud in government programs and taxes — that OMB estimates will produce net savings. The distribution is roughly similar in Tax Policy Center tables for The law is even more tilted to the top in , when most of the individual provisions expire.
Income shares have been recalculated to exclude households with negative income. February 27, By Chye-Ching Huang. PDF of this testimony 13 pp. More on this topic Report. It ignores the stagnation of working-class wages and exacerbates inequality.
Topics: Federal Tax , Tax Reform. More from the Authors. Chye-Ching Huang. Areas of Expertise Federal Budget. Stay up to date.
Guidance and analysis, observations about U.S. tax law (Pub. L. No. 115-97)
President Reagan's Tax Reform Act of President Trump signed the “Tax Cuts and Jobs Act”. (TCJA) into law on December 22, The broad changes.
Tax Cuts and Jobs Act of 2017
KPMG resources on the U. The database is organized by topic, making information easy to find. These reports include expanded discussions, analyses, and observations about the enactment of the law and potential technical corrections. All rights reserved. Request for proposal.
In line with the stated intent of TCJA proponents, we find that the Act benefited highly taxed firms. However, the Act hindered firms with international operations as well as firms with high interest expense and tax losses. Counter to claims that the TCJA would quickly spur economic growth, we find that financially constrained and high growth opportunity firms did not benefit. Rather, market participants anticipate that most of the TCJA's benefits will be passed on to shareholders via higher corporate payouts. We confirm these market expectations by documenting that firms did increase payouts via repurchases after the TCJA, but did not increase their corporate investments.
Chairman Yarmuth, Ranking Member Womack, and distinguished members of the Committee, thank you for the opportunity to testify. I will first outline the fundamental flaws of the tax law:  1 it ignores the stagnation of working-class wages and exacerbates inequality; 2 it weakens revenues when the nation needs to raise more; and 3 it encourages rampant tax avoidance and gaming that will undermine the integrity of tax code. I will then explain in more detail how the tax law largely left behind low- and moderate-income Americans — and in many ways hurts them.
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